Interestingly, as l'affaire Rollins winds down with a whimper, savvy Democrats are urging their party to drop the subject. "It's time to put this behind us and give Christie Whitman a chance to move the state forward," says Sharpe James, Newark's black Democratic mayor. Other Democrats worry that a serious probe into urban voting practices might permanently damage Democratic city machines.
While Rollins has certainly added to an already dangerous level of voter cynicism, the spotlight his remarks have shone on seldom-discussed electoral practices could also generate needed support for their reform. Last week, Rollins testified under oath that his claims to have paid black ministers not to endorse New Jersey Gov. James Florio from the pulpit were part of an elaborate "head game" to psych out his long-time rival James Carville, a strategist for President Clinton and Florio. New Jersey Sen. Bill Bradley says politics "has degenerated to a point that you can get this kind of one-up- manship with political consultants," but he wants a probe to continue.
While it proceeds, the rest of us can ponder some lessons of the Rollins flap:
* There is a difference between get-out-the-vote efforts and discouraging people from voting. While "street-money" programs can become vehicles for paying people to vote, in theory they are similar to a basketball coach encouraging a team to shoot more baskets. But fans would look askance at a coach who tried to induce opposing players not to show up for the game.
Voter suppression isn't unknown in politics, but it's rare. In 1981, the GOP intimidated votes when it hired off-duty police officers to patrol against fraud at New Jersey polling places.