His weapon: the city Board of Revision of Taxes.
In an e-mail to an aide, Fumo issued orders demanding that Joseph A. Russo, then a BRT assessor, jack up Hunter's tax bill.
Russo, in turn, spoke with a colleague, suggesting that she look at whether the property's taxes should be raised, according to people familiar with the matter. The next year, Hunter's property assessment more than doubled.
In a brief interview, Russo, who now sits on the board of the BRT, said he could not remember the incident. He declined further comment.
Another BRT board member said the allegations of interference in assessments, if true, would be not just a conflict but a gross violation of BRT policies.
"How could you condone it?" asked Russell Nigro, a former state Supreme Court justice who said he did not know the facts of the case. "How could you condone what, in my opinion, is probably a crime?"
The city's inspector general is now investigating.
The story of the old Catholic school and adjacent convent, pieced together through interviews, board records, and evidence in Fumo's federal corruption trial, shows how the senator's influence infiltrated the Board of Revision of Taxes. This obscure, heavily politicized agency has enormous power. By setting real estate values, it effectively determines what everyone in Philadelphia pays in property taxes.
The seven board members who run the agency are appointed by Philadelphia's judges - many of whom, in turn, would have a tough time getting elected without backing from Fumo and other party leaders. Along with U.S. Rep. Robert Brady, the Democratic Party chief, Fumo has used his muscle to push allies into seats on the BRT board.
