Second, having called out congressional Republicans in general terms, Obama took the next step and assailed House Majority Leader Eric Cantor for blocking his jobs bill, asking "Does he not believe in rebuilding America's roads and bridges?" The move shows he is determined to remind the country that he doesn't run the government all by himself, and that Republicans in Congress are now incumbents and not just the opposition. He will cast himself as the guy with ideas, and Republicans as cranky reactionaries who will keep anything good from happening.
Finally, the anti-Wall Street demonstrators have created a new pole in politics. Americans have always been wary of concentrated power. The tea party had great success in focusing anxieties on what it argues is an excessively powerful federal government. Now, an active and angry band of citizens is insisting that the concentrated power Americans should fear most is in the financial system.
Note that both Obama's initiative and the revolt against Wall Street mark a shift on the progressive side from defense to offense. Over the last several weeks, talk about the deficit and spending has receded, replaced by a new dialogue on job creation, fairer taxes, and the financial abuses that got the country into economic difficulty in the first place. And the tea party has come under heightened scrutiny, thanks to members of Republican crowds who booed a gay soldier and cheered at the mention of executions and the prospect that an uninsured citizen might be left to die for failing to buy health coverage.
Romney knows that he needs to appease the Republican right while escaping its embrace. He recognizes that by directing his fire toward Obama and the dismal economy, he can simultaneously unite the GOP and appeal to swing voters. He wants to give Republican primary voters just enough conservative ideology to win just enough of their votes to capture the nomination.
But what makes Romney a potentially strong general-election candidate is also what weakens him in the primaries. Many moderate voters suspect that Romney doesn't believe all the right-wing things he is saying now. This makes him safe as an alternative to Obama.
But many conservative voters also suspect Romney doesn't believe all that he's saying. This pushes them toward other candidates. Perry and the other candidates have an interest in aiming straight at this tension in the Romney strategy. Democrats hope they do just that.
In the meantime, Republicans in Congress find themselves defending a series of unpopular positions. Voters don't like tax increases in general, but they do think the wealthy should bear a bigger share of the tax burden. Regulation may be an easy target, but Americans are in no mood to let Wall Street off the regulatory hook. And government may be scorned in the abstract, but the specifics of what Obama wants government to do through his jobs bill have wide appeal.
Obama is a long way from being able to sing "Happy Days Are Here Again." But for conservatives, the days of wine and roses are over.
E.J. Dionne is a columnist for the Washington Post. He can be reached