Worldview: The Egyptian generals' choice

December 01, 2011|By Trudy Rubin, Inquirer Columnist
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  • Election officials at a counting center in Cairo. The military's present course has played into the hands of Islamists.
  • Election officials at a counting center in Cairo. The military's present course has played into the hands of Islamists. (AMR NABIL / Associated Press )
  • Member of Egypt's Freedom and Justice Party use their laptop computers outside a polling station in Cairo on Tuesday. (BELA SZANDELSZKY / Associated…)

Now the real struggle for Egypt begins.

In round one of Egypt's first free elections, Islamist parties strongly outperformed the others. Two more rounds of elections will take place by mid-March, but the message of the first round couldn't be clearer.

Egypt's political landscape will be dominated in the near term by parties with strong Muslim religious leanings. For all those who are concerned about this outcome, it's important to understand what this does - and doesn't - mean.

Egypt is not Iran. The people of this predominantly Sunni Muslim country do not believe in rule by clerics. Egypt's Facebook revolt in Tahrir Square was organized by youths who believed in a civil, not a religious, state.

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So why did the Muslim Brotherhood, via its Freedom and Justice Party, do so well at the polls?

In part, because the Facebook rebels proved unable to translate their skills into campaign operations. They continued to rally in Tahrir Square, but failed to organize effectively for elections, rather than creating a broad political coalition. They had no charismatic leaders with name recognition, and no clear platforms. Also, the large numbers of parties and the complicated voting system confused first-time voters.

The Muslim Brotherhood, on the other hand offered a recognizable brand name. And for many traditional Muslims, the idea of a "good Muslim" getting elected to office was comforting; the concept of civil (secular) parties was misunderstood, with the term secular misinterpreted as hostile to religion.

When I visited Cairo's working-class Imbaba neighborhood in November, many locals told me they would vote for the Brotherhood party's candidates because they were "good people who did good things for the poor." Similarly, the more fundamentalist Nour Party of Salafi Islamists, which finished second in many districts, also garnered popularity by its charitable work.

Long banned from politics, the Brotherhood gave up violence and focused on social work. It developed a tight organizational structure all around the country and gathered thousands of loyal followers. It provided a steady stream of funds to the religious organization (as did Arab gulf countries). This gave it a great monetary advantage over nonreligious parties.

Once its party was legalized, the Brotherhood's cadres of veiled women and youths got out to vote. Its computerized operations weren't unlike those of machine pols in the wards of Chicago or New York.

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