It goes on to show the visitor smiling slyly and narrowing his eyes while listening intently to the Egyptians complaining about the economy and talking about overhearing a plot against the ruling military council in the subway. The narrator warns Egyptians not to share with outsiders their woes about the economy or political situation.
Both spots close with: "Every word comes with a price. A word can save a nation."
Claims of a "meddling foreign hand" found resonance among many Egyptians during and after the uprising. The revolt was driven by youthful activists who relied heavily on social networking sites.
But some among the wider public have mixed feelings about foreigners and suspect the United States, Israel, and others are scheming against their nation and Islam, the faith of most Egyptians. At the same time, they worry about losing the country's main source of income, tourism.
It is not clear which state agency ordered production of the TV announcements. But some pointed the finger at Egypt's security agencies, including intelligence and military intelligence, which have a long-standing xenophobic culture. The agencies have remained largely intact after Hosni Mubarak's ouster in the uprising, which left power in the hands of a military council led by Mubarak's defense minister of 20 years.
Ahmed Maher, cofounder of April 6, one of the youth groups that steered the uprising, described the spots as "deceptive to spread fear of conspiracies and tarnish the image of the revolutionaries by indicating that dealing with foreign journalists leads to leaking dangerous information about Egypt."
Last year, Maher's group was accused by the military rulers of having a "foreign agenda" and of receiving funding and training from abroad, claims that suggest plotting against the country with foreign help.
Last July, a state-run magazine cover depicted new U.S. Ambassador Anne Patterson holding a burning wad of dollars to the wick of a bomb wrapped in an American flag. The headline read: "The ambassador from hell who lit a fire in Tahrir." Cairo's Tahrir Square was the birthplace of the anti-Mubarak uprising.
That was the beginning of a wider crackdown on U.S.-funded democracy groups, whose employees have been formally charged with using illegal foreign funding to foment unrest in Egypt. Troops stormed offices of a number of such groups, including four American nonprofit groups.
In all, 43 pro-democracy workers were referred to trial but under heavy U.S. pressure, six Americans were allowed to leave the country. One of them was Sam LaHood, the son of U.S. Transportation Secretary Ray LaHood.
They are still being tried in absentia along with some Egyptian employees.
During the uprising, foreigners - especially journalists - were targeted, beaten up by citizens or snatched by plainclothes security agents. State TV at the time aired alleged phone conversations with witnesses who said protesters were paid in euros and infiltrated by foreigners.
"Nothing has changed and the . . . campaign has been one of the state intelligence tricks" to turn the public against the revolution, said Bothiana Kamel, a TV presenter and activist. She recounted incidents during uprising when she said people would attack her, calling her "khawaga" or "foreigner."
She said that when she attends conferences in the United States, she is accused by Egyptian media as an "American agent."