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Barry Goldwater

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NEWS
March 28, 1994
The editorial page of the Daily News wishes to declare its undying devotion to Barry Goldwater. Yeah, that Barry Goldwater. This is not a new thing for us. Actually, we've always been fond of the old cowboy. We even liked the way he used to tell the truth about nuclear war 30 years ago, even though he sometimes sounded like he sort of dug it. Truth was always the core of what made Goldwater the hero of all those young conservatives of the early '60s. His massive loss in the 1964 election, oddly enough, quickened their takeover of the Republican Party and led to a quarter-century of success for them.
NEWS
May 30, 1998
Barry Goldwater will be remembered and revered for his brand of conservatism, but even more for the part of Goldwaterism that sadly never became the norm: bluntly speaking one's mind. That a straight-talking politician seems so rare is an indictment of a politics that operates like a feedback-loop between polls and pols. Not only do politicians feel safer recycling buzzwords swiped from focus groups, but for some of these characters, speaking one's mind, Goldwater-style, is based on a false premise: that they have strong ideas of their own. The Arizona Republican didn't need anybody telling him what to think.
NEWS
May 30, 1998 | By Dick Polman, INQUIRER STAFF WRITER
Former Sen. Barry M. Goldwater of Arizona, the plainspoken godfather of Republican conservatism whose landslide loss in the 1964 presidential election nonetheless triggered the movement's rise to national power, died yesterday at the age of 89. He died "in his own bed, in his own room, as he wished, overlooking the valley he loved with family at his side," according to a statement issued from the family home in Paradise Valley, Ariz. President Clinton remembered Sen. Goldwater as "an American original," adding: "I never knew anybody quite like him. " John McCain, the Republican who succeeded Sen. Goldwater in the Senate, said that America "never had a more ardent champion of liberty than Barry Goldwater.
NEWS
March 28, 1994 | By GEORGE F. WILL
Looking down on his valley and back on his career, Barry Goldwater, who 30 years ago was en route to a creative defeat in the presidential election, has no regrets. Nor should he. He lost 44 states but won the future. Today, his walk is slower, his emotions are mellower and his features, after 85 years of squinting into Southwest sunsets, are more than ever a craggy map of Arizona. But he is content. He should be. He catalyzed conservatism's breakthrough. The protests of the 1960s did not begin at Berkeley.
NEWS
October 21, 2012
1. f. Herbert Hoover, 1928. 2. g. James K. Polk, 1844. 3. b. John C. Fremont, 1856. 4. i. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1932. 5. j. Woodrow Wilson, 1916. 6. c. Barry Goldwater, 1964. 7. a. Bill Clinton, 1992. 8. h. Ronald Reagan, 1984. 9. d. Warren Harding, 1920. 10. e. William Henry Harrison, 1840.
NEWS
October 2, 1988 | By Tom Fox, Inquirer Editorial Board
This is about the American Civil Liberties Union and the interesting role it is playing in the presidential campaign. This is not a commentary on the virtues of the ACLU, virtues that some say are enormous; nor is it an audit of the ACLU's warts - warts that others contend are considerable. This is about the political image of the ACLU and how that image is perceived by the voters as the presidential campaign winds down to an ultimate moment of truth in November. There's an old wives' tale that suggests that in politics, perception is fact.
NEWS
November 11, 1986 | By Edwin M. Yoder Jr
Among the absences that will diminish the 100th Congress, Barry Goldwater's stands out. He will be missed. There was an earlier me who would have been flabbergasted to say so. But as Goldwater vanishes into his violently beautiful Arizona sunsets, let it be said that many of us misread him and owe him a squaring of accounts. The misreading began with a book, not a very good book, which the senator may not have actually written, but certainly signed and subscribed to. The Conscience of a Conservative was neither historically nor philosophically searching, and was dismissed as a shallow apologia for a socially irresponsible individualism: "Pseudo-conservatism," the late Richard Hofstadter labeled it. But Barry Goldwater believed it, and it sensationally stirred the juices of conservatives, making this prickly Arizonan a great hit on the mashed-potato circuit and an instant idol.
NEWS
August 20, 2004 | By Pete Hamill
Pete Hamill was a longtime columnist for the New York Post Once upon a time in America, there were public figures like Barry Goldwater. He was a rock-ribbed conservative Republican. I disagreed with almost all of his political positions and could never have voted for him. He was against the trade unions that gave my father a life with dignity. He was a rigid Cold Warrior. He once suggested that my home city of New York be cut off from the United States and floated out to sea. But, oh, how I miss him now. Above all his other qualities, I miss Goldwater's extraordinary penchant for straight talk.
NEWS
June 4, 1998 | By Patrick J. Buchanan
"Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive/But to be young was very heaven!" So wrote Wordsworth of how his generation felt on first hearing news of the French Revolution. And so it was when the news came that Barry Goldwater had defeated Nelson Rockefeller in the California primary of 1964 and was the Republican Party's certain nominee. From the day after Richard Nixon's defeat in 1960 until the coup at the Cow Palace in San Francisco in 1964, when the Arizonan was nominated, the Goldwater movement was the conservative movement.
NEWS
July 10, 2012 | By Rachel Weiner
Politicians are so famous for their spin that it's hard to find examples of pure honesty on the campaign trail. And as much as voters say they want honesty, truth-tellers tend to have difficulty getting to — or keeping — the Oval Office.   President Jimmy Carter never used the word malaise in the famous speech he gave on July 15, 1979. But that's how the sermon has been remembered. Carter began by criticizing himself, reading aloud Americans' thoughts on what was wrong with his presidency.
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NEWS
October 21, 2012
1. f. Herbert Hoover, 1928. 2. g. James K. Polk, 1844. 3. b. John C. Fremont, 1856. 4. i. Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1932. 5. j. Woodrow Wilson, 1916. 6. c. Barry Goldwater, 1964. 7. a. Bill Clinton, 1992. 8. h. Ronald Reagan, 1984. 9. d. Warren Harding, 1920. 10. e. William Henry Harrison, 1840.
NEWS
August 23, 2012
By Jonathan Zimmerman The convention season is upon us! Starting with the Republican National Convention next week, followed by the Democrats' the week after, Americans will watch with bated breath as the parties decide their nominations for president. Actually, those decisions were made months ago. The real mystery is why anyone watches the conventions - and why we need them at all. The standard answer is that the conventions allow the parties and their nominees to define themselves on the national stage.
NEWS
July 10, 2012 | By Rachel Weiner
Politicians are so famous for their spin that it's hard to find examples of pure honesty on the campaign trail. And as much as voters say they want honesty, truth-tellers tend to have difficulty getting to — or keeping — the Oval Office.   President Jimmy Carter never used the word malaise in the famous speech he gave on July 15, 1979. But that's how the sermon has been remembered. Carter began by criticizing himself, reading aloud Americans' thoughts on what was wrong with his presidency.
NEWS
October 2, 2011 | By Richard Simon, Los Angeles Times
WASHINGTON - Move over just a bit, Ronald Reagan. You need to make room for Barry Goldwater. For decades, the statues in the U.S. Capitol remained, well, stationary. But recently, more states are looking to substitute better-known figures for obscure ones. Some also want the National Statuary Hall Collection, a popular tourist attraction, to include more minorities and women. Since the 19th century, each state has been permitted to provide two statues of notable citizens to the collection, dispersed throughout the Capitol and its new visitor center.
NEWS
August 20, 2004 | By Pete Hamill
Pete Hamill was a longtime columnist for the New York Post Once upon a time in America, there were public figures like Barry Goldwater. He was a rock-ribbed conservative Republican. I disagreed with almost all of his political positions and could never have voted for him. He was against the trade unions that gave my father a life with dignity. He was a rigid Cold Warrior. He once suggested that my home city of New York be cut off from the United States and floated out to sea. But, oh, how I miss him now. Above all his other qualities, I miss Goldwater's extraordinary penchant for straight talk.
NEWS
May 31, 2004 | By Steven Thomma INQUIRER WASHINGTON BUREAU
Gail Browne and Cathy McCracken have never met. They live in different cities, work in different jobs, and have very different political opinions. Yet they share a characteristic that may make them pivotal in the 2004 presidential campaign and for years to come. They are part of the surge of newcomers to Arizona and the Southwest that is turning once-solid Republican turf into a competitive political battleground. The most dramatic example of how the Southwestern political landscape is changing is Arizona, home of the late Barry M. Goldwater - senator, onetime presidential candidate, and founder of the modern conservative movement.
NEWS
July 31, 2000 | By Crispin Sartwell
In 1964, Barry Goldwater was the Republican nominee for president. His conservative activists had wrested control of the party from East Coast moderates such as Nelson Rockefeller and Pennsylvania Gov. Bill Scranton. As Goldwater took the stage at the Cow Palace in San Francisco to give his acceptance address, delegates were expecting him to placate the forces he had defeated and to issue a call for party unity. Instead, in an act of defiance, he articulated a coherent conservative political philosophy based on the concept of freedom.
NEWS
July 6, 1998 | By Neve Gordon
Independence Day has just passed, and the November elections are in sight - two occasions linked to freedom. Like the Founding Fathers, today's politicians say our freedom must be protected. But which freedom? Republicans and Democrats agree that freedom pertains to the home, family, business - the private realm. Do we not measure freedom according to the extent of government "interference" in free enterprise, education, religion or cultural and intellectual matters? Many commentators suggest that Barry Goldwater introduced the notion of shrinking the federal government to protect the private sphere.
NEWS
June 6, 1998 | By E.J. Dionne Jr
I can still remember sitting in the living room with my dad, an ardent conservative, transfixed as an actor named Ronald Reagan put on a magnificent oratorical show on behalf of Barry Goldwater during the 1964 campaign. We loved Goldwater, knew he was going down, but realized that Reagan would achieve what Goldwater couldn't. Millions of conservatives reached the same conclusion at the same moment. The combination of Goldwater's obituaries and the memorial essays honoring Robert Kennedy, who died 30 years ago today, was strangely personal for me. I didn't know either man, but both made me think a great deal about my father, who also died 30 years ago this year.
NEWS
June 4, 1998 | By Patrick J. Buchanan
"Bliss was it in that dawn to be alive/But to be young was very heaven!" So wrote Wordsworth of how his generation felt on first hearing news of the French Revolution. And so it was when the news came that Barry Goldwater had defeated Nelson Rockefeller in the California primary of 1964 and was the Republican Party's certain nominee. From the day after Richard Nixon's defeat in 1960 until the coup at the Cow Palace in San Francisco in 1964, when the Arizonan was nominated, the Goldwater movement was the conservative movement.
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