October 27, 1997 |
He has lived on the 22d floor of Center City's Academy House for a decade. A 94-year-old retired University of Pennsylvania professor, white-haired, frail, hunched over his cane as he shuffles down the hallway, he has seemed unexceptional to his neighbors, and remains unknown to the people of Philadelphia. All that will change on Thursday, when the president of China, Jiang Zemin, will stop by for green tea and pastries with Professor Ku Yuhsiu. Ku taught Jiang operational calculus 50 years ago, when Jiang was a student in Shanghai.
October 26, 1997 |
During his five years at Drexel University, Jiang Mianheng wanted nothing more than to be the average cash-poor and intellect-rich graduate student. He attended classes, conducted research, and lived with his wife and son in a spartan West Philadelphia apartment supported mostly by an $800-a-month teaching assistant's stipend. But from the very beginning of his studies, Jiang was much more. He was a symbol of China's growing openness and increased interest in the West - a symbol of his country's future and its troubles.
November 11, 2012 |
While our political leaders have been beating each other's brains out, so have China's. Communist Party leaders will name a seven- man ruling committee Thursday. Since China is our main world- power rival and top overseas trading partner - a growing focus for Cigna International , DuPont Co. , Dow Chemical, General Motors, Google, TE Connectivity , and other big U.S. companies; a big market for American coal, meat, and grain; and the place our smartphones are made by regimented workers whose low wages are finally rising - you'd think the results mattered to Americans.
November 3, 1997 |
If China's object were to plunge U.S.-China relations into a polar frost, Jiang Zemin would be a suitable instrument. Before embarking for America, he explained that Einstein's theory of relativity somehow puts American and Chinese notions of political liberty on a moral par. He said that what China has done to Tibet is analogous to Lincoln's emancipation of the slaves. And, for good measure, Jiang dusted off that hoary Communist standard about "the most fundamental human right" being "adequate food and clothing.
February 24, 1997 |
A funeral cortege bearing the body of Deng Xiaoping arrived at Beijing's Babaoshan cemetery for cremation today as China began paying last respects to the man who transformed the nation. The cortege was led by four black cars followed by a white van bedecked with black and yellow ribbons, the colors of mourning in China, that served as the hearse for Deng's body. The van was flanked by two limousines. Hundreds of armed police lined the streets along the 1.5-mile route to the cemetery from a military hospital, where Deng's body has lain since he died Wednesday at 92. The cortege of about 30 vehicles moved at a pace slightly faster than walking to allow thousands of mourners lining the route a last glimpse of the man who ruled China for 18 years.
June 29, 1998 |
Mainland Chinese television viewers who tuned in on Saturday afternoon were treated, completely by surprise, to 70 minutes of the most daring, controversial TV in their lifetimes. Not Springer. Not "South Park. " It was Bill Clinton: uncut, uncensored, and without any mention of Monica Lewinsky. In an unprecedented joint press conference with the Chinese president, Clinton said he thought democracy-rights activists who are still imprisoned nine years after their movement was crushed in Beijing's Tiananmen Square should be released.
June 4, 1990 |
The top man in China has a lovely smile and eyes that go cold. His name is Jiang Zemin. Last June, after the massacre in Tiananmen Square, Deng Xiaoping named Jiang general secretary of the Communist Party, and shortly afterward, turned over to Jiang his own critical post as chairman of the Central Military Commission. In the hierarchy, this put Jiang above Li Peng, the hard-line prime minister who ordered the troops to fire on their own, and it made Jiang, in Deng Xiaoping's words, "the core of the leadership.
November 20, 2012
By David Shambaugh With the unveiling of China's new leadership, observers and journalists the world over are contemplating the same question: Will the new group at the top of the Communist Party be able to engineer the reforms needed to tackle the plethora of challenges afflicting virtually every realm of policy and governance in China? The answer, unfortunately, is no. Those anticipating a return to an ambitious reform agenda - one that will further open the economy, liberalize the polity, reduce social inequities, tackle pervasive corruption, and rectify strains in China's relations with its neighbors, the European Union, and the United States - will be disappointed.
October 29, 1997 |
To the booms of a 21-cannon salute and the pageantry of a White House welcome, President Clinton will host his Chinese counterpart, Jiang Zemin, today in what both men hope will be a warm new chapter in U.S.-China relations. Symbolism will rival substance during a 48-hour visit that began last night with an informal talk between the two leaders. In Williamsburg, Va., earlier yesterday, Jiang smiled, wore a three-cornered Colonial hat, and did his best to endear himself to the American people.
October 30, 1997 |
Jiang Zemin knows what he wants out of this week's visit to the United States: respect, legitimacy and the lifting of a 12-year-old ban on the transfer of U.S. nuclear technology to China. And President Clinton has promised to deliver all three. What is not clear is what the United States gets in return. The Sino-American relationship to date has been decidedly one-sided, with China getting most of what it wants - trade, investment, technology - and the United States getting little except a $40 billion trade deficit, no improvement in China's human-rights record and promises that Beijing may honor its treaty obligations.