May 5, 1988 |
Hilary Spink, 75, a retired school custodian, squinted in the sun outside School 67, the polling place for his poor but tidy working-class neighborhood on the city's west side. He was explaining why he and his wife, Ruth, voted for Ronald Reagan in 1980 and 1984 but plan to vote in November for Democrat Michael S. Dukakis instead of Republican George Bush. "We thought (Jimmy) Carter was making a mess of things so we voted for Reagan," said Spink. "Then we stuck with Reagan in 1984.
July 18, 1992 |
If Bill Clinton is looking for Reagan Democrats, he came to the right place when he came to Coatesville. Butch and Kathy Franciscus, Democrats who haven't voted their party in the last few presidential elections, came out last night to take a gander at the new Democrat who has soared 30 points in the opinion polls almost overnight. Butch, 51, a roofer, said he liked George Bush's strong defense posture, but Clinton caught his eye with his proposal for welfare reform. Kathy, 49, a secretary, feels the same way. "I believe in helping them," she said of people on welfare, "but they should do something back.
November 13, 1988 |
As they consider how to position themselves for the future, the Democrats will be walking a delicate racial tightrope. They must figure out how to ease concerns among some white voters that the national Democratic Party is too sympathetic to blacks, while simultaneously convincing black voters that their loyal support over the years is not being taken for granted. The problem may be aggravated by the visibility that Jesse Jackson, who stirs strong emotions pro and con, is likely to have in the coming months - when he may look like the party's only true national leader and its leading candidate for 1992.
September 3, 1988 |
One of Jesse Jackson's most influential supporters said yesterday that there is a "pretty serious" rift between Jackson and Democratic presidential nominee Michael S. Dukakis, and a Jackson spokesman confirmed what he called "a failure to communicate" between the former rivals. The spokesman called for a new summit meeting between Dukakis and Jackson to define Jackson's role in the Democratic presidential campaign. "Jackson has said, 'I will campaign on demand,' " said his press secretary, Frank Watkins.
November 15, 1994 |
Since 1968, there has been much talk of a "Republican realignment. " Quieted by Bill Clinton's victory in 1992, it resounds again after last week's Republican victories. This election may in fact hail the emergence of a 20-year Republican lock on the presidency, Congress and the statehouses. But it is more likely to usher in an era of greater political turbulence characterized by empty sloganeering, mean-spirited campaigning and the growth of local and national third parties.
June 14, 1992 |
The mighty coalition of Republicans, independents and disaffected Democrats that put Republican presidents in the White House in five of the last six elections appears to be falling apart. George Bush's plunge in popularity and the amazing surge of Ross Perot have shattered, at least for now, the Republican Party's 25-year-old dream of becoming the dominant party in America. "Thirty to 40 percent of the Republican coalition is in some degree of revolt," said political analyst Kevin Phillips, whose 1969 book, The Emerging Republican Majority, outlined the political shift that elected Richard M. Nixon, Ronald Reagan and Bush.
October 4, 1988 |
Jesse Jackson held a rolling revival meeting for votes here yesterday, delivering fiery orations designed to get the black community interested in presidential politics again. In a whirlwind tour of the city, Jackson talked to about 300 young people at a rally in West Philadelphia, greeted commuters at Olney Terminal and tried to energize about 50 ministers and elected officials at Bright Hope Baptist Church in North Philadelphia. The message was clear: Blacks have an important stake in who wins this election.
February 18, 1996 |
Say you're shopping for a Republican candidate and want to find the true conservative in the crowd. So you start by scanning the campaign slogans on display in the New Hampshire primary. Bob Dole bills himself as "a proven conservative. " Pat Buchanan offers "a new conservatism of the heart. " Lamar Alexander pitches "a conservative vision for America. " Steve Forbes is simply "Conservative for President. " Which guy is the real article? Actually, each can lay justifiable claim to the conservative label - and that's important, considering the nature of the electorate in the first-in-the-nation New Hampshire primary.
January 20, 1994 |
When President Clinton speaks at black and Latino churches about escalating violence in their communities, on the face of it this effort to reach out would seem to be a compassionate gesture. I voted for Clinton because I believed that he was capable of compassion. But when I read that Stanley Greenberg, Clinton's pollster, approved of these appearances, I became suspicious. According to news reports, Greenberg was in part responsible for the episode during the presidential campaign in which Clinton publicly scolded Jesse Jackson for inviting the rap artist Sister Souljah to appear before a meeting of the Rainbow Coalition after she rapped some lyrics that some interpreted as anti-white.
February 4, 1992 |
With style and shrewdness, Gov. Bill Clinton appears to have beaten the rap on his philandering and emerged stronger than he was before the Gennifer Flowers episode came up. Unless a second shoe (or bedroom slipper) drops to indicate he's a liar, his national exposure during his troubles has helped establish him more clearly as the Democrats' front-runner and likely nominee. Now he faces a real challenge: to move beyond poll-driven boilerplate to presentation of a strong, relevant agenda that will genuinely address the country's problems and give voters a real reason to elect him. Clinton enters the New Hampshire primary homestretch with far more money and a stronger organization than his competitors.